The Mystery of Fishbourne Roman Palace


                                     THE MYSTERY THAT IS FISHBOURNE ROMAN PALACE
Fishbourne Roman Palace






Fishbourne Roman Palace can still speak to us about a vanished age, but in hushed tones only. These tantalising murmurings lurk in numerous places in its museum where painted wall-plaster, samian pottery and a reconstructed palace room help to smother us with its opulence. This is compounded by the floors of mosaics within its North Wing. More silent voices dwell within the excavation reports of the 1960s and within the writings of historians of antiquity. More modern authors of history also have a voice of opinion. It is from within all of these sources, of past and present, which I will delve into to seek out possible answers to the most popular questions that have been asked of myself during my time of engagement with visitors to the palace. The questions are numerous and many and include – Who lived at the palace? Why was it built at this location? When was it constructed? And why was it apparently abandoned? To be able to come to any conclusion to these questions, we have to take a backward glance through a window of history and view the developing change of culture and politics, born on the wind through the assent of Rome.


Roman Room


Roman Room



Painted wall-plaster




Painted wall plaster
Samian pottery

                                                                     THE PEOPLE
The populous of Britannia were in close contact with continental Europe for many hundreds of years by using the avenues of trade and trade routes. Britannia had much to export, grain, cattle, hunting dogs, hides, slaves and minerals – including gold, silver and iron. In all probability it was a relatively peaceful Island with the peace of the land occasionally disturbed by conflict between certain tribes, as their population grew, and as a consequence, good farming land became a premium.



The tribes of central and southern England (B Cunliffe-the Regni) 

The Roman world was also expanding, as was their consumer society and the need for raw materials and man-power increased. These economic reasons were interlocked with a complex political situation, all which seemed to fall upon the shoulders of Julius Caesar. In 58 BC, Julius Caesar felt the need to bring the vast expanse of Gaul (France) as far north as the River Rhine under Roman control. Later, Caesar, believing that the Gauls were receiving military assistance from Britain, made arrangements for an assault, consisting of two Legions with supporting cavalry, in 55BC on Britain. Caesar tells us in his ‘Commentarii de Bello Gallico’ (commentaries on the Gallic war) that the cavalry failed to cross the Channel due to an adverse tide and weather conditions. It was during Caesar’s two assaults on Britain (55-54 BC) that the first signs of the footprints of Roman foreign policy in Britain were detected. In all probability Caesar made a determined effort in the south east of England (and later to the north east) to establish dynasties that would be loyal to Rome. Caesar would have offered gifts and gold subsidies to potential allies in exchange for ‘hostages’. These hostages would have been young men from the ruling royal elite, escorted to Rome and educated in all things Roman. This would have been a learning curve of Roman culture, including Roman foreign policy and how to organise Roman administration. No doubt these young men would have become fluent in Latin. By the time of the arrival of the Roman Emperor Claudius’ legions, in 43 AD, the education of ‘hostages’ had been ongoing for nearly 100 years. Prior to the Claudian invasion, it seems that political unrest and civil discord had focused one of the tribal elite of the Atrebates, by the name of Verica (Berikos), to flee to Rome for assistance. This situation, then, plus Claudius’s political aspirations and the need to harness Britain’s natural resources, of grain and minerals for the ever expanding Roman Empire, were the three main reasons for the appearance of the Roman Legions under the command of Aulus Plautius upon the shores of Britain. I can only imagine that the  shivering of the soldiers was impacted with apprehension and fear, as they waded ashore through icy cold water, passing from the then known world into one that was only known through rumours, hearsay and supposition.
The classical historians of this period of the distant past, seem only to offer us thoughts and explanations which are shrouded in a veil of ambiguity. Perhaps it is worth a paragraph or two reviewing the political atmosphere and aspirations of the neighbouring tribes which encased the territory of Verica’s Atrebates tribe about the year 40 AD. It seems that there was a period of insecurity as dynasties changed following the death of powerful rulers. The tribal lands of Verica became under threat from military expeditions from the sons of Cunobelin (King of the Catuvellauni), Caratacus and Togidubnus. Cunobelin was in poor health around 40 AD and, perhaps, had died by 42 AD. History tells us that the Catuvellauni had been hostile towards the Trinovantes tribe and Cunobelin possibly ruled the joint Catuvellaunian/Trinovantian kingdom from Camulodunam (Colchester). The Catuvellauni were the most prominent tribe in the south of Britain and were leaders of the opposition against the Roman invasion. Therefore, this tribe had to be defeated and subdued before the region could be secured. Consequently Camulodunam was taken and subjugated under the command of the Roman Governor, Aulus Plautius. It seems that the Catuvellauni, at this period of time, were also in control of the Cantii/Cantiaci tribe whose territory occupied the south east corner of Britain which included Kent, Eastern Surrey, East Sussex and London, south of the Thames. They were bordered across the Thames by the Catuvellauni/Trinovantes tribes. The Cantii were defeated at the battle of the Medway, when the Romans used their Batavi mounted troops to cross the River Medway, and surprised the Britons. These mounted troops were again used when the Romans were confronted by the River Thames. It could well be that Adminius, a son of Canobelin, was forced to flee the country due to his pro-Roman tendencies (when administering the Cantii tribe on his father’s behalf) but was installed as governor as repayment for his loyalty to Rome after the Cantii were subdued. As for the Trinovantes tribe, they seem to have lost their independence to the Catuvellauni around 9 AD, their territory was north of the Thames Estuary (the area around pre-Roman London) to the east coast of England and northwards into lower Suffolk. To their west were the lands of the Catuvellauni. In north western Suffolk and eastern Cambridgeshire were the lands of the Iceni tribe. They seemed to welcome the Romans, probably due to the destruction of their over-powerful neighbours, the Catuvellauni, although it seems that some factions within the Iceni were disillusioned with Rome’s confirmation of Anterdios as the sole ruler of the Iceni. It could well be that the Catuvellauni were trying to move the south of Britain towards the development of a single kingdom. In all probability, the Catuvellauni were causing disruption within the Dobunni tribe. The Dobunni lands lay to the west of the aggressive Catuvellaunis and it seems, that by 43 AD, the tribe had divided into two. In the north east, from the southern side of the Stroud valley to north eastern Gloucestershire, Romanised coinage were recognised, but in Avon and southern Gloucestershire the coins were of a native type. With the defeat of the Catuvellauni by the marauding Roman legions, it seems that the Dubonni surrendered themselves and consequently became a Roman ‘client’ tribe.  
If we delve into the past of the Atrebates, Belgae and Regni tribes, a more settled and perhaps an interlocking relationship can be possibly recognised as a large, integrated society, bounded together by beneficial trading with Europe and the Mediterranean through civilised contact with Rome. The location of these tribes, along the southern shores of England, would have offered up financial control of both imports and exports. To gain control of these tribes would have been essential for the expansion policies of the aggressive Catuvellauni tribe. The lands of the Regni tribe occupied east Sussex, south west Kent and, perhaps, included some of eastern Surrey. The Atrebates occupied the lands of Berkshire, Hampshire, parts of western Sussex, western Surrey and, perhaps, even into north east Wiltshire. As for the Belgae tribe, their lands seemed to incorporate modern Hampshire and parts of Avon/Somerset.
If we continue south west, we move into the lands of the Durotriges tribe, their lands incorporated southern Somerset and southern Wiltshire. They were bordered by the Belgae to the east and to the west by the Dumnonii tribe. Historians suggest that the peoples of the Durotriges consisted of numerous independent factions, who eventually were subjugated by Vespasian and his 2nd Augusta Legion. The Dumnonii tribe could be found in Devon and Cornwall. These lands were important for the Romans as they contained valuable tin resources.
Casting an analytical eye upon the above paragraphs, it would be prudent to suggest that the most secure and safe region, at the time of the 43AD invasion, was the southern coast. It was upon these shores I believe that the shadowy figure of Togidubnus (Cogidubnus), who has stalked his way through nearly 2000 years of history, would have been welcomed. He could possibly have been escorted by the aging Verica. Later historians seem to have accepted that the name of Cogidubnus was, perhaps, an error of translation and copying of manuscripts and that the letter ’C’ should have read as a ‘T’. Therefore for the remainder of this article the name ‘Togidubnus’ will be used. More of this translation error can be read in ‘The Minor Works of Tacitus’, a study in textual criticism by Charles E Murgia.
                                                  THE DEVELOPING POLITICAL SITUATION
The future British king, Togidubnus, perhaps the son-in-law of Verica and, no doubt of royal birth, was chosen by Rome for possibly two reasons. He would have been accepted by the local tribe’s ruling elite and, therefore, would not have been classed as a usurper. His education would have been streamlined on how to relate Romanisation and the process of Roman administration to the tribal elite of the Atrebates, the Belgae and the Regni. On a personal level, he would have been used to accommodation of some quality and comfort. I feel that he would not have arrived upon our British shores until the Fishbourne area was deemed secure. Perhaps then, Togidubnus would have been accompanied by the aging Verica sometime close to after AD 43.
To the east of Fishbourne Roman Palace, excavations have revealed a series of timber buildings. No doubt some of these were related to the Roman Legions in AD 43, as a supply/admin base. One of the timber buildings had 6-7 rooms and revealed itself as a building of significance. Three/four of this building’s rooms may have been plastered white, with a white chalky mortar and painted red and white. It seems also to have contained a verandah and perhaps a colonnade of brick and stucco. Luxury indeed! – compared to the local living accommodation. I feel, close by, there would also have been accommodation for slaves to help and attend to this Royal Ambassador’s everyday needs. The annals of history are relatively quiet about Togidubnus and, consequently, he becomes rather phantom figure. His first names, Tiberius Claudius, are taken in honour of his patron the Emperor Claudius, although the name Togidubnus is of British origin. The Roman historian, Tacitus, tells us that ‘certain states were presented to King Togidubnus, who maintained his unswerving loyalty right up to our own memory.’ (Tacitus, Agricola, 14). Could this statement be interpreted that Togidubnus was already in England at the time of the invasion?  
If we flick through the pages of the history of Roman Britain, after 43 AD, and stop to view the period from around 60 – 80 AD, two major developments seem to engage thoughts and , consequently, stimulate interesting debate. After the Boudican uprising was extinguished by the Roman Governor Suetonius, the Roman Emperor Nero, perhaps somewhat traumatised by the violence and the near-loss of Britain as a province of the Roman Empire, decided on a policy of appeasement with a conciliatory approach towards the local tribes who were engaged in the rebellion. Consequently Gaius Suetonius Paulinus Governor of Britain since 58 AD, with no doubt his emotions still raw at the carnage of death and destruction caused by Boudica’s warriors, was withdrawn back to Rome. He was replaced by Publius Petronius Turpilianus (Governor of Britain from 62-63 AD). Nero’s commands of appeasement, which included enhancing Roman culture in England, diplomacy and the encouragement of trade towards the tribes of Britannia, were consolidated with the appointment of Marcus Trebellius Maximus as Governor of England from 63-69 AD. Maximus pursued minimal martial activity, consequently, in 67 AD, the province seemed secure enough for the Legio XIV Gemina to withdraw from Britain and be deployed elsewhere, possibly in southern France. Maximus re-established Colchester (Camulodunm) but because of its vulnerability due to its geographical position, London (Londinium) was to become the new capital of England.
Due to Nero’s death in 68 AD, civil war violently erupted in Italy and, in the time span of one year, Rome embraces four emperors, (Galba, Otho, Aulus Vitellius Germanicus and Caesar Vespasianus Augustus). It was during this period of unrest that Maximus, Governor of Britain, was forced to flee for his life from Britain. Perhaps the Legions were unsettled by the unrest in Rome and their lack of military activity, compounded by their lack of bounty and possibly their low wages. Consequently Maxixmus, not being of a military background, seemed to have lost the Legions respect. It has been suggested that during his flight one of his stop-overs could have been Chedworth Roman Villa. This suggestion is offered up due to the discovery of a military intaglio found during the excavations of the villa.
Aulus Vitellius Germanicus, Roman Emperor from April – December 69 AD, replaced Maximus with Marcus Vettius Bolanus as Governor of Britain. When Vespasian was recognised by the Senate as the new Roman Emperor in December 69 AD, he allowed Bolanus to stay in office until 71 AD, when he was replaced by Quintus Petillius Cerialis. Also, Gnaeus Julius Agricola replaced Marcus Roscius Coeclius as commander of the Legio XX Valeria Victrix stationed in Britain. It seems then that Vespasian had made the decision that Britain was to remain an important province of the Roman Empire. Agricola’s command ended in 73 AD, but he returned as Consul and Governor of Britain in 77 AD and completed Vespasian’s expansive policies with the conquest of Wales and northern England. Agricola was eventually recalled to Rome in 87 AD by the Roman Emperor Domitian, a son of Vespasian. All this conquest was only possible as southern England had responded favourably to the foresight of the policies of Nero and, consequently, the Roman generals were never threatened by military unrest to their rear.
As the glowing embers of the Boudican rebellion began to fade, it becomes obvious from the above paragraphs that Nero was taking a ‘gently, gently’ approach towards the tribal elite of the defeated tribes and slowly, but carefully, encouraging them to recognise that prosperity is the bed-fellow of continuing peace. If we now turn our attention, during this same period of time, to the tribes of central and southern England, and especially at Fishbourne, Nero’s fingerprints of encouraging the benefits of embracing Roman culture are perhaps more firmly recognised.
                                                         THE DEVELOPMENT OF FISHBOURNE


Corinthian capital
Opus Sectile flooring



At Fishbourne, after seven winters of excavations during the 1960’s, the remains of a masonry building, christened with the name ‘Proto-Palace’, was released from its internment. Archaeology dates the structure of this building as being laid down between 60 and 70 AD. The Proto-Palace can be divided into four parts, to the north there is a courtyard surrounded by verandas, to the south there is a bath suite and along the east side of both is a range of rooms flanked by corridors. It is possible that there was another range of rooms to the south west. All was built on virgin ground. Its total area covered 2300 square metres/25000 square feet in area. Also revealed by archaeologists, during those seven winters, as their inquisitive trowels picked their way through many tons of earth, were the imprints of a posse of Mediterranean artisans. The craftsmanship of masons and sculptors were recognised with the discovery of parts of Corinthian columns which were composed of oolithic limestone, with capitals on fluted stuccoed shafts. Also detected were the fingerprints of mosaisists with the finding of small parts of black and white mosaics and opus sectile flooring. The handiwork of marble workers and stucco craftsmen were also recognised. Numerous pieces of painted wall-plaster, which embraced the talents of the painters, showed the enormous variety and skill of their work. Foliage and floral designs and panels, decorated in many colours, including red, blue, green, white and various shades of pink, were excavated. Other designs were painted in blue/black, yellow and red. These bold clear colours were outlined with a white frame. The construction of this whole building would have needed the considerable experience of a Mediterranean architect.
Could it be then that this sophisticated, elegant and architecturally unique home, for this period in time, was a gift of gratitude to Togidubnus from the Roman Emperor Nero for keeping his tribesmen from any detrimental involvement with the Boudican uprising?. Through the acceptance of this gift from Nero, Togidubnus becomes an ambassador of Roman culture and, consequently, his tribal elite and wealthy entrepreneurs commission the building of their own ‘villas’ along the coast of Sussex and Hampshire. Villas have been recognised through archaeological excavations at Angmering, Pulborough and Southwick. Although the other alternative is that Togidubnus’ loyalty to Rome was not tested, as his lands were never threatened by the Boudican uprising, as they were geographically too far to the south west. Therefore, Togidubnus, with his increasing financial prosperity, may have commissioned construction of the Proto-Palace himself.
After the death of Nero in 68 AD Vespasian, the first Emperor of the Flavian dynasty, continues the policy of encouraging Roman culture and the acceptance, and therefore the benefits, of Roman administration to the conquered tribes of this imperial province. This policy reached its pinnacle when civitas (city/town council) were established in each tribal capital. Certain council members were held directly responsible to the provincial governor for the efficient administration for the region. It seems that the tribal elite were the ones commissioned into these administrative positions. Tribal capitals were established within the conquered tribes, one in each of the tribal regions. Seventeen of these tribal capitals had their tribal name incorporated into the name of the city. For example, the Atrebates tribal civitas (now Silchester) was Calleva Atrebatum and the Dubunni tribal civitas (now Cirencester) was named Corinium Dobunnorum.


Plan of the Proto-Palace









Turning our attention back to the Fishbourne area and with our eyes focused to the west, a new masonry building was begun. Dwarfing in scale the Proto-Palace, it was being built possibly to replace it, but the construction was never finished. The ground-plan of this building is incompletely known as the mosaic floors of the later Flavian palace prevented excavation down to the earlier surface, and the building extends beyond the south and west limits of the available site. The surviving fragments which were excavated in the 1960s are of the north-west corner of this structure. I wonder then, what unexpected situation developed to cause the decision to be taken to abort this build? Two possible scenarios begin to fester up in my thoughts and both involve the hand of the Emperor Vespasian. But, of course there are, no doubt, other explanations that as yet my mind is not conscious of. I decide to seek out the bust of Vespasian from within the Flavian Palace museum and as my eyes absorb his solid facial features, my imagination immediately conjures up a man in possession of a lively and adventurous spirit – but, being a man of a military background, he would have been aware of his own mortality. Consequently, after investing and spending money on the restoration of Rome, after the civil war, with a new forum and public works which included an upgrade of the public baths, he embarks on a series of classical building projects. These included the construction of the Flavian amphitheatre, known today as the Colosseum/Coliseum, the Temple of Peace and the Temple to the defied Claudius. In 75 AD he erected, although this was begun under Nero, a colossal statue of Apollo. Vespasian, no doubt realised these projects would enhance his legacy as a worthy emperor and servant of Rome and his memory would be ‘engraved in stone’ for many centuries in the foreseeable future. Vespasian, with his mind at peace with the plans laid out for the rebirth of Rome after the destruction of the civil war, turned his eyes to the north and took an inquisitive look at the Imperial Province of Britannia.
                                                          TOGIDUBNUS AND FISHBOURNE
The original inscripition



The reconstructed inscripition





In 1723 the ghost of Togidubnus/Cogidubnus appears again, this time on a piece of Purbeck marble which was found when a cellar was being constructed on the corner of North Street and Lion Street, in Chichester.  The left hand portion of it was missing and during its recovery it was broken into four pieces.  Sadly, its repair using cement, was of poor workmanship. The fifth line of the inscription on this marble tablet seems to have presented historians and archaeologists a problem of interpretation of its true meaning. At the time of its discovery it was interpreted to read that Togidubnus was granted the title of ‘Legatus Augusti’ (Imperial Legate in Britain). The alternative interpretation suggests that Togidubnus became not an ‘Imperial Legate’, but ‘Great King in Britain’. This alternative and later interpretation came to light when the inscription was re-examined by Professor Bogaers of Nijmegen University, in 1979. 
The inscription can be dated to the 1st century AD by the appearance on it of the name ‘Togidubnus’ (Cogidubnus). But who the Emperor was at the time of the laying down of this slab is ambiguous, as Togidubnus could have lived through the reigns of the following Emperors: from 41-54 AD it was Claudius, from 54-68 AD - Nero, from 69-79 AD - Vespasian, from 79-81 AD - Titus and lastly from 81-96 AD - Domitian. Sadly, it seems that the death of Togidubnus went unrecorded and also, unfortunately, this man’s age is unknown when the Roman invasion of Britannia took place in 43 AD.
  The original interpretation of the inscription, in 1723, of bestowing Togidubnus as ‘Legatus Augisti’ (envoy of the Emperor) would have made Togidubnus, as an imperial Legate, eligible to occupy a seat in the Roman Senate. The giving of this title to Togidubnus was conceived by the early historians to be within the reign of the Emperor Vespasian. This assumption raises a number of debateable scenarios. The bestowing of this title to a client king of an Imperial province would have been unique as the receiver would usually be a General in the Roman army, and the men who filled this office as legate were drawn from the senatorial class of Rome. The post was generally appointed by the Emperor and its receiver was usually a former Tribune (military). 
Taking a practical view, if indeed Vespasian did bestow this honour upon Togidubnus, as head of provincial administration and chief judicial officer of the province, but subservient to the authority of Agricola (Consul and Governor of Britannia, 77-85 AD), it would have been of great benefit to Agricola himself. Gnaeus Julius Agricola’s military plate was full. The Ordovices tribe of north Wales needed to be subjugated, as did the Island Mona (Anglesey). Agricola expanded his military might into Caledonia (Scotland) and needed to fortify the coast-facing Ireland. There would have been a huge development of Imperial administration and of local government within these provinces, and the experience of Togidubnus would have been invaluable. Although his appointment would have been viewed by many as socially unacceptable, Rome was in effect being run by a military dictatorship, and this appointment could have been recognised as Vespasian displaying great vision and power for the continuation of the Romanisation of Britannia.  
Then, in 1979, Professor J E Bogaers published an article in Volume 10 of Britannia under the heading ‘King Cogidubnus in Chichester: another reading of RIB 91’ which interpreted line 5 of the inscription as reading ‘Cogidubnus Great King in Britain’. His interpretation seems to have been accepted by historians and academics as the true reading and meaning of the inscription.   
If we accept that Togidubnus was never elevated to the rank of Legatus Augusti, we must search for other explanations as to why the splendours of the garden and the dignified and cultured architecture were laid down at Fishbourne. Consequently my mind becomes a flowering bush of possibilities – each stem leading and then growing in a different direction.
                                               WHAT WAS FISHBOURNE ROMAN PALACE?




Vespasian

The question that now has to be confronted is – what evidence is available to be able to date the construction of this magnificent building which covered an area, including its gardens, of at least 10 acres? Eighty-six coins were recovered from the site during the 1960s excavations, the latest coins were of a Vespasian issue and dated to 73 AD. This possibly suggests that the erection of the palace began soon after this date. Sherds of decorated samian vessels, excavated on site, were dated within the range of 70-85 AD. Some were comparable to vessels which were excavated at the town of Pompeii (near modern Naples).
Mosaic comparisons to those found in Italy




In 79 AD, the volcano known as Vesuvius, vomited up fire, death and destruction in the form of a pyroclastic flow, a fluidised mass of rock fragments and gases which buried Pompeii (and Herculaneum),  beneath layers of ash and pumice to a depth of 4-6 metres (13-20 feet).Pompeii was frozen in time until it was discovered in1748. Intriguingly, a number of black and white geometric mosaics were discovered during the excavations at Pompeii and at Herculaneum. These mosaics were strikingly similar to those found within the North and West wings of Fishbourne Roman Palace. These similarities in style, perhaps, suggest that these black and white mosaic floor designs were the fashion of the time and can help support the dating of the build at Fishbourne to within a start date of 73 AD, with the finishing touches of the lay out of the Flavian garden at about 80 AD.



Once again my thoughts are drawn towards the hands and mind of Vespasian as being responsible for aborting the build of the second masonry building at Fishbourne and, consequently, sowing the seed that would eventually germinate and flourish to become the largest classical establishment, as yet discovered, north of the Alps and become known as Fishbourne Roman Palace. Vespasian, with his legacy of building in Rome, which would hold his name secure in the country of his birth, perhaps not satisfied, this astute Emperor also wanted to leave a lasting memory of his rule in the furthest outpost of the Roman Empire, Britannia.
What followed was possibly a consultation, perhaps in Rome, between Vespasian, Togidubnus and Vespasians’s chosen architect. They would have engaged together on the composition and utilisation of the newly planned construction. It would, therefore, be appropriate if we now delve into   excavation reports of the 1960s and take an inquisitive view of the design and ground plan of the individual wings of the Palace.
The West Wing


The Entrance Hall






The Audience Chamber






The Palace consisted of three self-contained ranges - north, east and south wings, each with their own courtyards/terraces. But it was the West Wing which, on entry to the Palace grounds through the grand Entrance Hall, would have engulfed the visitors’ visual mind and demanded their immediate attention. Standing five feet higher than the other wings it dominated the skyline. In the centre of this wing was a square room with an apsidal recess opening out of its west wall which Barry Cunliffe christened as an Audience Chamber. This chamber it seems, had a mosaic floor which included tesserae of white, black, yellow and red. The size of the tesserae were 3/16th of an inch in size (0.5cms). This suggests that this floor was of high-class craftsmanship. Perhaps lining the apse was a timber bench, no doubt decorated with the finest silk cloth. The vaulted ceiling was dressed with the colours of white ribs against the background of bright blue, purple and red. This would have given the impression to the visitor that the person seated upon the bench would be like a god within the heavens. One can imagine that the Rex Magus (Great King in Britain) Togidubnus, would have received visiting dignitaries within this chamber. How many rooms existed within this west range is unknown, although many/all would have been paved with mosaic floors. Parts of three floors were lifted and are on display in the North Wing of the Palace, others were reburied for posterity. The Audience Chamber was isolated from these adjacent rooms by side corridors. It has been suggested that the rooms beyond would have been utilised as state rooms/suites. Beyond these was a western corridor running the full length of the wing and close to its northern apse modern-day visitors can view an audio-visual film, documenting the rise and fall of the Palace. This corridor was void of a mosaic pavement but was blessed with painted wall-plaster. In all probability it was a hippodromos (an area for casual exercise).




The East Wing








This wing could possibly also have been used as an administrative centre of learning for the sons of the tribal elite, for the legal aspects of roman administration were complex and numerous sensitive issues regarding individual tribal customs could make the assimilation of Roman law far from straight forward. This is perhaps confirmed by visits to Britain from high-regarded lawyers/jurists, such as – Salvius, Liberalis and Iavolenus Priscus. Latin could have been taught here and much could be learned from lectures in Roman history and mythology.
The South Wing, with its principal aspect to the south, was constructed with a terraced garden stretching a distance of 350 feet (106 metres) south from the building to the estuary beyond. It has been assumed that this wing with its range of rooms would have been the residence of Togidubnus and his immediate family, all was served with the luxury of a close-by bath suite. Invited dignitaries could have enjoyed sharing a meal with the Royal Family with the added visual bonus of a sea view. Sadly, most of this wing is interred beneath the main A259 road and the houses and gardens that line its southern side. It can be assumed that most, if not all, rooms would have been paved with mosaics and with high class interior décor. In 1805, a black and white mosaic pavement, 13.5 feet (4.1 metres) wide was noticed during building work in the village, close to the main road.
During its heyday the Roman Palace may have accommodated at least 70 mosaic floors. Today some of their remains congregate within the North Wing under its cover building. Waiting to be viewed by the modern visitors is a collection of black and white geometric and polychrome mosaics. The black and white geometric mosaics are predominately the 1st century floors of the North Wing although the ‘Small Cross and Box’ Mosaic is late 2nd century. This possibly suggests that black and white geometric designs were still popular at this time. Only one polychrome mosaic was dated to the 1st century and survives under the title ‘Floral Mosaic’, in Room 20. The other colourful floors were laid at a later period during the life of the Palace. The ‘Knot’ Mosaic was dated to the early 3rd century. Within the 2nd century the ‘Shell’ Mosaic, ‘Greek key and Medusa’ Mosaic and the most popular and well-known mosaic today, ‘Cupid on a Dolphin’, were crafted. Interestingly, this mosaic floor was lifted for conservation purposes in 1987 and beneath it appeared the ‘Fortress’ Mosaic, which can now be viewed further down the wing. Also within the 2nd century the North Wing and the West Wing were connected by the laying down of a mosaic corridor.
The North Wing was concluded to be a residential range of rooms. Most prominent were two suites of rooms with their own private colonnaded courtyards. These courtyards, laid out with shrubs and flowers, would have created a relaxing, peaceful and personal atmosphere. The archaeology suggests that these two ranges of rooms were cut off from the main communal formal garden to the south. 
It is the East Wing which would have engulfed most of the earlier Proto-Palace that stood to the south of the Entrance Hall. It is within this area that the Bath Suite, although possibly altered in some parts of its original construction, would have continued in use. It is probable that a range of rooms would have been added to the older ones of the Proto-Palace, perhaps to balance up architecturally the known range of eleven rooms to the north of the Entrance Hall. The northern side of the Entrance Hall contained two colonnaded courtyards, both probably embellished with bushes, shrubs and with climbing plants to decorate the bare walls, and to the east of these courtyards stood the range of rooms. It is possible that a narrow colonnaded courtyard existed to the south of the Entrance Hall to help retain the necessary symmetry of the East Wing. At the extreme northern end of this wing stood a building, known as the Aisled Hall, which measured internally 88 by 66 feet (26.7 by 20 metres). This massive structure of classical architecture reflects a hall of some significance. Although the excavations of the 1960s failed to confirm the presence of any mosaic flooring, quantities of painted wall-plaster were recognised, mostly of plain red and white, other pieces embraced grey/black, yellow, pink and streaky green.
The Roman name for Chichester was Noviomagus Regnensium and was seemingly expanding with its civil development during the construction of the Palace. Around 80 AD an amphitheatre was built, capable of seating 800 people, at what is now known as Eastgate. Today, in Tower Road and in situ within the Novium Museum, are the remains of a Roman bath-house. Today Chichester acknowledges its Roman past with four plaques set in pavements carrying the name Noviomagus Reginorum, perhaps meaning 'the new town/market of the proud people'. These plaques are laid close to the sites of the town's four Roman gates, one each in North Street, East Street, South Street and West Street.
The port at Fishbourne would have been constantly busy with imports for the Romano-British inhabitants. A range of luxury goods including elegant glass vessels and pottery lamps would have been flooding in from Italy and Gaul. Galleys would have brought in amphorae, made and filled in Southern Spain, some containing wine, but most containing olive oil or fish products. The cross-Channel trade would also have brought in fine tableware (samian) and various kinds of attractive jewellery. The exports from Fishbourne would have included grain, cattle, hunting dogs and iron. It is possible that the range of rooms on the northern side of the East Wing could have been utilised by the businessmen involved in importing and exporting, for wining and dining and concluding lucrative deals.    
The Aisled  Hall
Tax collectors would possible have inhabited the Aisled Hall, not just dealing with the business of the port but also administering local taxes for the benefit of the growth of Noviomagus Regnensium. This huge building could have served the local population as the main administrative centre, dealing with legal disputes and people accused of criminal offences. It has been suggested that there may have been a shrine within this building and it is possible that the Iron Age Temple on Hayling Island, 15 miles to the west, was refurbished during this period of expansion. It seems that this Aisled Hall could only be accessed from outside the Palace grounds.
                                          
                                                         The Roman Gardens.

The Formal Garden
   




The four wings of the Palace enclosed an area of 258 by 320 feet (78.4 by 97.6 metres), laid out as a formal garden with a number of features incorporated into its design. The garden had a central pathway which was 40 feet,(12.2metres) wide running the full length of the garden from the Entrance Hall(east) to the Audience Chamber(west).Today only the northern half of the garden survives as the southern half lies beneath the modern road and houses. This sophisticated visual culture ushered in the thrilling power of classical architecture combined with a stylized garden. The garden would have been supplied with piped water serving ornamental basins and fountains which were set around the pathways. These basins/fountains would have been displayed against the inner hedgerows, although the spurt of water into the air from the fountains would have been no more than three to four feet. Other garden décor may have included stone/marble statues, perhaps of selected Roman deities. The base of a possible statue can be viewed close to West Wing. The viewing concept of the garden would have been paramount in the mind of its designer, therefor not to detract from this, the external face of the West Wing wall was plastered and then painted with a dark-green background against which boldly drawn foliage was set. To the upper-class visitor from Italy these gardens would have been no more than a peaceful place to amble round while chatting with their friends, but to the local population of the expanding town these gardens would have been unique. 
The West Wing Terrace
                                                              CONCLUSION



Gold Signet Ring

   If indeed King Togidubnus did reside here, on his death all his territory would have been incorporated into the province, and possibly sold. Perhaps it was purchased by Tiberius Claudius Catuarus, his personal finger-ring was discovered beyond the Palace grounds to the east. A replica is on display in the Palace Museum. This classical building survived, although reduced in size for over two hundred years. In its final form it was properly an impressive, comfortable and stylish villa. A new bath suite was constructed in the corridor between the North Wing and the Aisled Hall. Some of the rooms were redesigned and redecorated, and several of the geometric black and white mosaics of the first century were replaced by the more colourful polychrome mosaics which can be viewed today. Around 280-290AD the sun finally set on Fishbourne Roman Palace when it was felled by the   power of fire. It destroyed much of the North Wing and possibly the northern side of the West Wing, leaving only the stone walls standing. These stone walls were systematic robbed away to be used as building material elsewhere. The church in Fishbourne carries some of the Palace remains .Stone robbing was still in practice during the thirteenth/fourteenth century as the medieval farmers discovered the Roman flint footings across the West Wing. In due course the fields were turned over to pasture creating 9-12 inches (0.2-0.3) meters of top soil. So it came to pass, that the Palace remains were undisturbed, until they were resurrected one April day in 1960, when the mouth of a mechanical digger chewed up and spat out a combination of mosaic flooring and Roman building material during the construction of a trench for the laying out of a water main. Consequently in late August during 1968 the Palace remains were laid out for public viewing. For many months queues of visitors waited patiently to feast their eyes on some of the very first Roman mosaic floors laid down in the Imperial Province of Britannia.
     

                                                     

1 comment:

  1. This was really useful for my Latin project on Fishbourne palace and Cogidubnus as a client king and adminstrator. Thank you! :)

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